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Yesus, Muhammad dan Basis Teologis Bagi Demokrasi

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IslamLib – Dua kisah pendek dalam kehidupan Yesus dan Nabi Muhammad di bawah ini bisa dibaca sebagai dua hal yang saling bersesuaian dan mendukung validitas demokrasi sebagai sebuah sistem, jika ditafsirkan dengan tepat. Kisah yang pertama direkam dalam Injil Matius yang tergambar dalam percakapan pendek berikut ini.

Orang-orang Farisi bertanya kepada Yesus: Bolehkah membayar pajak pada kaisar? Yesus menjawab dengan cara yang cerdas. Dia meminta si penanya itu untuk menunjukkan uang dinar yang ada padanya, seraya berkata: Gambar siapakah yang ada di uang itu? Kata orang Farisi itu: Tentu saja gambar Kaisar. Pada titik itulah Yesus melontarkan kalimat yang terkenal: Berikanlah kepada Kaisar apa yang wajib kamu berikan kepada Kaisar dan kepada Allah apa yang wajib kamu berikan kepada Allah. (Matius 22:15-21).

Kisah kedua terjadi pada masa Nabi Muhammad seperti direkam dalam Sahih Muslim. Suatu hari Nabi melihat seorang petani di Madinah melakukan penyerbukan (talqih) terhadap pohon kurma agar berbuah. Lalu Nabi bertanya kepada orang itu: Kenapa engkau melakukan hal itu? Andai hal itu tak kau lakukan, akan lebih baik. Pada kesempatan lain, Nabi lewat kebun kurma petani tersebut. Si Petani itu mengeluh karena kurmanya tak berbuah, gara-gara mengikuti saran Nabi.

Kemudian Nabi mengutarakan sebuah komentar yang terkenal: Antum a’lamu bi ‘umuri dunyakum. Kalian lebih tahu urusan keduniaan kalian (ketimbang aku).

Saya tahu kisah ini tak diterima dengan “legawa” oleh teman-teman Syiah, walau direkam dalam salah satu koleksi hadis yang dianggap paling sahih (menurut kelompok Sunni, tentunya!), yaitu Sahih Muslim. Alasannya: hadis ini menisbahkan tindakan yang tak patut kepada Nabi (Kira-kira keberatannya akan berbunyi begini: Masak sih Nabi tak tahu kalau pohon kurma harus diserbukkan agar berbuah?).

Lepas dari keberatan Syiah ini, saya menganggap hadis tersebut memiliki makna yang mendalam dan relevan dalam kerangka argumentasi yang hedak saya ajukan dalam esei ini, selain diterima sebagai hadis yang valid di kalangan Sunni.

Dua kisah dari Yesus dan Muhammad ini saya anggap sebagai peristiwa yang saling mendukung, saling bersesuian makna. Ia bisa dipandang sebagai basis “teologis” untuk keabsahan demokrasi sebagai sistem yang paling masuk akal untuk mengelola kehidupan sosial-politik masyarakat manusia. Tentu saja, makna yang saya kemukakan ini berasal dari tafsiran saya sendiri.

Yesus dan Muhammad sendiri tentu tak menyadari bahwa ucapan mereka bisa ditafsirkan begitu rupa sehingga bisa menjadi argumen keagamaan untuk sistem demokrasi. Sebab, pada masa kedua nabi itu, sistem demokrasi belum ada. Atau ada, tetapi sudah punah, yaitu dalam pengalaman pendek di kota Athena, Yunani, sebelum lahirnya Yesus.

Dalam dua kisah itu, kita jumpai suatu kesadaran implisit bahwa ada dua ruang dalam kehidupan manusia: ruang wahyu, dan ruang pengalaman manusia; Kerajaan Tuhan, dan Kerajaan Kaisar; otoritas politik duniawi, dan otoritas keagamaan yang sakral. Dua ruang ini bisa dibedakan, meskipun sulit dipisahkan secara ketat. Dan keduanya tentu saling mempengaruhi. Tetapi keduanya jelas ada dan masing-masing memiliki “hukum”-nya sendiri-sendiri.

Dalam kisah Nabi Muhammad itu, ada suatu pengertian yang menarik: bahwa apa yang disebut wahyu tidak menerangkan segala hal. Wahyu bukan kitab yang memuat segala sesuatu dalam kehidupan manusia. Wahyu hanya memuat petunjuk moral yang menuntun kehidupan manusia. Tetapi wilayah kehidupan manusia begitu kaya, begitu luas, sehingga tidak bisa semuanya diterangkan oleh wahyu.

Wilayah kehidupan manusia (pertanian, dalam kisah tadi) berada di luar “otoritas” wahyu. Dalam wilayah ini, pengetahuan manusia diberikan keleluasaan untuk mengaturnya.

Sementara itu, dalam kisah Yesus di atas, kita juga menjumpai kesadaran serupa: ada ruang yang dibedakan, yaitu Kerajaan Tuhan dan Kerajaan Manusia. Urusan pajak berkaitan dengan kerajaan duniawi, dan kerena itu harus diserahan pengelolaannya kepada otoritas duniawi pula (baca: Kaisar). Keprihatinan terbesar wahyu dan agama bukan di sana, melainkan di ruang yang lain, yaitu hati manusia yang mengandung “stempel” dan gambar Tuhan. Karena itu, urusan hati harus diserahkan kepada pengajaran wahyu.

Bagaimana dua kisah ini bisa menjadi basis teologis untuk sistem demokrasi? Dalam pembacaan saya: demokrasi sebetulnya bukanlah sistem yang mengurus “hati” manusia. Dengan kata lain, demokrasi tidak berurusan dengan isi keyakinan dan akidah yang ada dalam hati manusia itu. Wilayah di mana demokrasi memiliki wewenang penuh adalah apa yang dalam hadis tadi disebut sebagai “umur dunyakum”, perkara-perkara duniawi.

Dengan kata lain, demokrasi berwenang untuk mengelola urusan pajak dan teknik pengelolaan pertanian. Sebab ini adalah wilayah Kaisar, manusia, bukan wilayah wahyu. Demokrasi beroperasi dalam Kerajaan Manusia, bukan dalam Kerajaan Tuhan. Hanya dengan pemisahan semacam ini, baik kepentingan duniawi dan ukhrawi bisa dilindungi dengan sebaik-baiknya.

Demokrasi jelas tidak berurusan dengan perkara sorga dan neraka. Sistem ini tidak bisa memberikan jaminan bagi seorang warga negara untuk sampai ke sorga, atau menyebabkannya tercebur ke neraka. Tetapi jika seseorang berkeyakinan bahwa jalan “spiritual” tertentu ia yakini akan membawa ke sorga dan kebahagiaan, maka demokrasi akan memberikan jaminan penuh agar dia bisa menyelenggarakan keyakinan itu.

Tetapi demokrasi tidak bisa dipakai sebagai alat untuk melarang keyakinan seseorang atau golongan tertentu dengan alasan bahwa keyakinan itu adalah sesat dan menyimpang. Urusan sesat bukanlah urusan Kerajaan Manusia, urusan demokrasi. Urusan itu ada pada otoritas wahyu. Sementara, masing-masing kelompok bisa memiliki wahyu yang berbeda. Atau wahyu yang sama tetapi dengan pemahaman yang beragam. Demokrasi (alias negara) tidak berwenang mencampuri urusan keyakinan di hati itu.

Kenyataan bahwa Nabi Muhammad tidak mencampuri teknik pembuahan kurma memperlihatkan suatu pengertian yang menarik. Di sini tampak sekali bahwa Nabi menyadari batas-batas wahyu. Perkara pembuahan kurma bukanlah bagian dari wewenang wahyu untuk mengaturnya. Sama dengan wahyu juga tidak akan mengatur berapa tarif tol dalam kota di Jakarta. Urusan-urusan duniawi semacam ini di luar kekuasaan wahyu. Ia sepenuhnya menjadi otoritas Kerajaan Kaisar seperti diisyaratkan dalam kisah Yesus di atas.

Selama ini pernyataan Yesus itu ditafsirkan sebagai pembenaran untuk sekularisme, seperti sering kita baca dalam literatur yang ditulis oleh para penulis Muslim “apologetik”. Menurut saya, kisah Yesus di atas lebih tepat dibaca secara “inter-tekstual” dan dihubungkan dengan hadis pembuahan kurma itu.

Kedua anekdot itu menandakan sebuah kesadaran yang sudah ada pada “pendiri” agama Kristen dan Islam: bahwa ada dua ruang yang bisa dibedakan, meski susah dipisahkan, dalam kehidupan manusia. Dua ruang ini tunduk pada mekanisme regulatif yang berbeda.

Pembedaan semacam ini sangat bersesuaian dengan konsepsi ruang dan kewarga-negaraan dalam demokrasi modern. Dalam demokrasi modern, ada konsepsi yang unik tentang ruang ganda yang dibedakan, tetapi tidak dipisahkan secara ketat: ruang publik, dan ruang privat (kepercayaan) masing-masing individu. Negara tak boleh mencampuri ruang kepercayaan.

Negara hanya boleh campur tangan manakala sebuah kepercayaan diekspresikan dengan begitu rupa sehingga tak mengganggu kebebasan orang lain.

Demikian pula, warga negara, dalam demokrasi modern, dipahami secara kurang lebih paralel dengan pengertian yang ada di kisah Yesus di atas. Warga negara bisa memiliki dua modus ketundukan. Sejauh menyangkut (memakai perlambang kisah Yesus dan Nabi di atas) “urusan pajak dan pembuahan kurma”, seorang warga negara harus tunduk kepada kaisar. Dalam wilayah “pajak” ini, semua warga negara memiliki kedudukan yang sama, lepas dari isi keyakinan yang ada di hati dan kepalanya.

Tetapi dalam wilayah kepercayaan, ketundukan warga negara diarahkan bukan kepada Kaisar, alias negara, melainkan kepada Tuhan dan wahyu. Menurut saya, dualisme ketundukan semacam ini tidak menjadi soal bagi negara modern. Pemisahan pola ketundukan semacam  ini justru jauh lebih masuk akal ketimbang memaksakan warga negara untuk secara monolitik tunduk dalam urusan “pajak” dan “kepercayaan” kepada satu otoritas saja, baik otoritas duniawi (seperti dalam negara totaliter) atau otoritas keagamaan (seperti dalam negara teokrasi).

Demikianlah, dengan menafsrikan secara “tepat” (tentu “tepat” menurut orang-orang yang mendukung demokrasi!) teks-teks keagamaan, kita bisa memberikan basis teologis bagi demokrasi – sebuah basis yang niscaya dalam masyarakat yang masih menganggap agama sebagai “nilai tukar” yang paling penting![]

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