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Demokrasi dan Problem Konsensus

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IslamLib – Salah satu problem besar yang mengganggu para ahli teori politik modern adalah bagaimana konsensus bisa dicapai dalam sebuah masyarakat. Atau lebih mendasar lagi, apakah konsensus bisa dicapai?

Berhadapan dengan pertanyaan besar ini, ilmu sosiologi modern yang sejumlah asumsinya banyak mempengaruhi perkembangan teori-teori ilmu politik modern terpecah menjadi dua mazhab besar. Yang pertama, mazhab konsensus.

Mazhab ini menjawab dengan tegas bahwa konsensus bisa dicapai dalam masyarakat. Tugas ilmu politik adalah bagaimana merumuskan cara yang efektif untuk mencapai konsensus itu. Teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis adalah satu usaha untuk menjawab bagaimana konsensus semacam itu mungkin dan bisa dicapai.

Yang kedua adalah mazhab konflik. Mazhab terakhir ini berpandangan bahwa konsensus jarang bisa dicapai dalam masyarakat, untuk tidak mengatakan sulit sama sekali. Karakter dasar kehidupan sosial adalah konflik atau pertentangan kepentingan yang “tiada kunjung padam” antara pelbagai kelas sosial yang berbeda-beda.

Bagi mereka, janji tentang kemungkinan tercapainya konsensus dalam masyarakat yang plural melalui proses “deliberasi” atau musyawarah antara sejumlah subyek yang rasional, seperti diasumsikan oleh mazhab pertama itu, hanyalah fantasi belaka. Kritik mazhab konflik terhadapk mazhab konsensus: yang terakhir ini sengaja abai, atau bersikap seperti burung onta, terhadap fakta sosial yang keras, yakni adanya konflik-konflik yang tak terkompromikan dalam masyarakat.

Sejauh ini, mazhab konsensus lebih dominan dalam kajian ilmu politik modern. Teori tentang demokrasi liberal-pluralis yang banyak dianut sekarang ini banyak dipengaruhi oleh asumsi-asumsi yang dianut oleh mazhab konsesus.

Kalau mau diringkaskan, model kepolitikan yang digambarkan oleh demokrasi liberal-pluralis adalah sebagai berikut. Dalam sebuah masyarakat politik (polity), kita selalu berjumpa dengan beragam golongan dengan kepentingan sosial yang berbeda-beda. Kepentingan ini harus ditampung. Tugas partai politik atau lembaga-lembaga penyalur kepentingan yang lain adalah menampung kepentingan itu (apa yang oleh Chantal Mouffe disebut sebagai “aggregative politics”).

Pelbagai ragam kepentingan ini harus “ditumpahkan” di sebuah tempat yang terpusat, untuk diadu dan dinegosiasikan satu dengan yang lain; dan dari proses saling adu itu muncullah konsesus bersama. Tempat itu adalah parlemen. Parlemen, dalam konsepsi teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis, adalah wadah di mana segala ragam kepentingan yang saling bertentangan bisa dipertemukan melalui proses deliberasi rasional yang disebut dengan musyawarah.

Dalam konsepsi semacam ini, segala bentuk aspirasi yang ekstrem akan bisa ditumpulkan dan dimoderasikan melalui proses deliberatif-rasional di parlemen itu. Konsensus pada akhirnya tak terhindarkan, karena alasan yang sederhana. Yakni, masing-masing golongan atau individu yang diwakili oleh golongan itu bertindak atas dasar dorongan kepentingan pribadi yang rasional (self-interest).

Bayangkan saja kasus sederhana berikut ini. Jika suatu golongan mempunyai kepentingan dalam skala sepuluh, misalnya, dan skala itu dianggap terlalu ekstrem dalam konstelasi kepentingan-kepentingan yang ada dalam masyarakat bersangkutan, maka dia akan terdorong/dipaksa untuk melakukan kompromi dan menurunkan skala kepentingannya dari sepuluh menjadi, taruhlah, enam atau lima, atau bahkan lebih rendah lagi (tergantung pada “political constraint” yang dihadapinya).

Daripada golongan itu kehilangan kesempatan sepenuhnya untuk meraih kepentingannya karena menolak kompromi, ia tentu saja lebih memilih kompromi, walau dengan resiko tak akan meraih kepentingannya secara penuh.

Dalam fikih, situasi ini dirumuskan dalam sebuah kaidah yang terkenal: ma la yudraku kulluh la yutraku kulluh – sesuatu yang tak dapat diraih sepenuhnya, janganlah ditinggalkan seluruhnya. Kalkulasi rasional mengharuskan golongan bersangkutan untuk melakukan kompromi ketimbang kehilangan kesempatan sama sekali.

Dengan skema semacam ini, teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis membayangkan bahwa masyarakat pada akhirnya akan bergerak pelan-pelan menuju kepada konsensus bersama. Semua pihak, dalam konsensus semacam itu, dipuaskan dan diuntungkan. Inilah skema “solusi menang-menang” yang dibayangkan dalam demokrasi liberal-pluralis.

Walau saya tak menolak asumsi dan skema “ideal” semacam ini, tetapi ada beberapa perkembangan sosial-politik yang amat mengganggu saya dan membuat saya agak sedikit “skeptis” bahwa skema semacam ini bisa dicapai, atau sekurang-kurangnya bisa dicapai dengan gampang.

Sejak dekade 80an hingga sekarang, kita dihadapkan pada perkembangan yang agak mencemaskan yang muncul sebagai akibat dari merebaknya apa yang kerap disebut banyak pengamat sebagai politik identitas. Gejala politik identitas ini bisa berasal dari pelbagai sumber, salah satunya yang paling kuat adalah agama. Mark Juergensmeyer merekam gejala ini dalam Global Rebellion: Religious Challenge to the Secular State, from Christian Militias to al-Qaeda (2008).

Salah satu ciri pokok politik identitas adalah kecenderungan suatu golongan bertindak di luar skema “kepentingan rasional” yang menjamin eksistensi golongan bersangkutan. Saya tidak menggeneralisir bahwa politik identitas akan mendorong kelompok-kelompok sosial bertindak secara irrasional.

Yang saya katakan adalah ada keadaaan-keadaan tertentu di mana suatu kelompok, karena dorongan politik identitas, melakukan tindakan “konyol” yang justru mengancam ketahanan dan kelangsungannya sebagai sebuah kelompok sosial.

Contoh sederhana adalah tindakan “bom bunuh-diri” seperti akhir-akhir ini dilakukan oleh sejumlah kelompok teroris yang mengatasnamakan Islam. Tentu saja ini adalah contoh yang ekstrem. Gejala bom bunuh-diri yang digerakkan oleh argumentasi keagamaan adalah contoh politik identitas yang dilihat dari segi manapun tak membawa keuntungan bagi kepentingan umat Islam, bahkan bisa mengancam kelangsungannya.

Karena tindakan segelintir pelaku bom bunuh-diri, umat Islam di negeri-negeri Barat mengalami sejumlah kondisi tak ideal yang, dalam beberapa kasus, bisa mengancam eksistensinya. Dengan kata lain, tindakan bom bunuh diri adalah contoh di mana politik identitas menggerakkan sebuah tindakan sosial di luar kalkulasi rasional berdasarkan asumsi “self interest” yang menjadi basis dari teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis.

Dalam situasi di mana politik idenitas kian menonjol, konsensus menjadi agak sulit dicapai, ataupun jika bisa dicapai, haruslah melalui tahapan-tahapan yang rumit. Skenario yang lebih buruk lagi ialah manakala politik identitas melahirkan situas di mana konsesus justru sama sekali tak bisa diraih karena adanya konflik aspirasi yang sulit didamaikan.

Yang lebih mencemaskan lagi ialah bahwa skala perkembangan teknologi komunikasi modern memungkinkan politik identitas itu mengalami pembesaran dan “dramatisasi” yang kadang melebih magnitude-nya yang wajar. Teknologi itu juga memungkinkan percepatan penyebaran kesadaran baru yang dilandaskan pada identitas tertentu yang sempit.

Jika ada apa yang oleh Noam Chomsky disebut sebagai “manufacturing consent/consensus”, rekayasa kesepakatan, maka bukan mustahil bisa muncul pula apa yang boleh kita sebut “manufacturing dissent/dissensus” alias rekayasa perlawanan.

Jika tradisi dan “keotentikan” bisa diciptakan kembali (re-invented) seperti pernah dikemukakan oleh Eric Hobsbawm, maka kelompok sosial tertentu bisa menciptakan suatu justifikasi yang mengesankan bahwa identitas di bawah mana mereka bernaung disokong oleh suatu silsilah “keaslian” dan tradisi yang panjang dan kokoh.

Mazhab konflik, sebetulnya, sudah mengantisipasi keadaan seperti ini sejak awal. Mazhab ini, sejak menit pertema, sudah mengandaikan bahwa apa yang disebut masyarakat bukanlah konstruksi indah di mana semua golongan di dalamnya bisa bermusyawarah baik-baik untuk mencapai kesepakatan yang rasional.

Sebaliknya, mazhab ini justru mengandaikan bahwa apa yang disebut sebagai masyarakat adalah tempat di mana konflik sejumlah kepentingan sulit didamaikan. Jika pada akhirnya ada “kesepakatan” di sana, maka itu hanyalah “facade”, tampilan di depan, belaka. Di balik facade itu, ada konflik tersembunyi yang sewaktu-waktu bisa meledak-memburai ke luar.

Kesepakatan itu, menurut mazhab tersebut, hanyalah sebentuk pemaksaan saja. Oleh karena itu, dalam pandangan mazhab konflik, setiap masyarakat, termasuk masyarakat politik yang disebut negara, adalah wadah di mana di dalamnya selalu berlangsung hegemoni: yaitu kondisi di mana satu kelompok berhasil memenangkan pertarungan dan memaksakan kepentingannya kepada kelompok-kelompok lain.

Saya sendiri kurang puas dengan konsepsi tentang masyarakat yang diajukan oleh mazhab konflik ini. Meski demikian, ada “insight” yang sangat bermanfaat yang bisa kita peroleh dari asumsi-asumsi yang diajukan oleh mazhab ini. Keadaan di mana kita hidup sekarang ini agak mendekati gambaran yang dibayangkan mazhab konflik. Makin besar pengaruh politik identitas saat ini, makin besar pula kemungkinan munculnya sejumlah konflik, baik yang terang-terangan atau tersembunyi.

Dan tampaknya, konflik yang dimotivasikan oleh identitas yang sempit itu juga kian susah didamaikan. Saya khawatir, situasi yang akan terjadi di masa mendatang sebagai akibat dari merebaknya politik identitas ini ialah bukannya tercapainya konsensus rasional seperti yang dibambarkan oleh teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis, tetapi kondisi yang mirip-mirip hegemoni – yakni kelompok tertentu memaksakan “identitas” tertentu kepada kelompok lain yang berbeda.

Bagi saya, fatwa yang pernah dikemukakan oleh MUI (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) pada 2005 dulu tentang haramnya ide pluralisme tiada lain adalah pertanda bahwa kita mulai memasuki fase di mana kehendak mencari titik konsensus (dalam hal ini, konsensus di sektor keagamaan) kurang lagi disukai. Fatwa itu, secara implisit, menandakan bahwa masyarakat lebih menyukai identitas yang berbeda ketimbang usaha mencari titik temu.

Perkembangan semacam ini jelas kurang menggembirakan dalam kerangka cita-cita sosial yang dibayangkan oleh teori demokrasi liberal-pluralis. Dan tentu saja, prospek tentang makin menonjolnya corak masyarakat yang dikuasai oleh kesepakatan berdasarkan “hegemoni”, bukan konsensus rasional, sangatlah kurang memuaskan. Sebab hegemoni pada dasarnya berlawanan dengan kondisi kebebasan dan otonomi.

Silahkan nilai tulisan ini

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